Archive

Author Archive

Safari Session Management

March 8th, 2010

Ever since Safari 3, the History Menu added “Reopen Last Closed Window” and “Reopen All Windows from Last Session”. The session information is stored inside ~/Library/Safari/LastSession.plist. When Safari crashes, the crash causing tab will typically be opened again, and Safari will crash again. Download the “LastSession” python script from radiotope to get a list of the Safari sessions that were last active.

For easiest use, download the LastSession python script, make it executable, and save it to your /usr/bin or /usr/local/bin folder:

chmod 755 ~/Downloads/readLastSession..py
sudo mv ~/Downloads/readLastSession..py /usr/bin/lastsession

You can also use the Window/Merge All Windows command followed by Bookmarks “Add Bookmark for These 99 Tabs” to easily save you’re entire workspace.

Mac OS X Hints posted about creating “Time Machine” like Session History for Safari by storing version history of the ~/Library/Safari/LastSession.plist file. Version history can be combined with the “readsession” script to get an even longer list of URLs…

There are currently three session management options for Safari, all of which have been updated to work with Safari v4.0.

  • SAFT: InputManager plugin, SIMBL plugin, or Safari Launcher. $15.

    • Add bookmark folder here and add bookmark here in every bookmark menus
    • Save and load browser windows
  • Safari Stand: SIMBL plugin. Free.

    • Bookmark Shelf for visually managing multiple browsing sessions
    • Restore Last Workspace Window that is 100% crash proof
  • GLIMS: Free.

    • Re-open last session when Safari starts
    • Re-open tabs in single window
    • Undo Close Tab (CMD+Z)
    • Unfortunately, GLIMS “re-open last session” is only updated when Safari exits, so it doesn’t protect you when Safari crashes. GLIMS provides a ton of interesting options, primarily related to the Safari “Search Field”, but doesn’t do much in the way of Session Management.
  • Forget Me Not: SIMBL plugin. Open Source. Free.

    • Reload windows and tabs when you relaunch Safari
    • File / Unclose Window
    • Edit / Undo Close Tab
    • Forget Me Not is about making Safari easier to use, rather than specifically about managing your session in Safari.

Bottom line: The only plugin that really brings Saft session management to the next level is Saft.

To minimize Safari crashes, you can also use the excellent Click To Flash plugin, which has the pleasant side effect of forcing Youtube to play back in QuickTime rather than Flash.

Next project: Synchronize Safari sessions across multiple machines

ryan Geeking Out(奇客通道)

Protected: Why Tibet will not be Free

February 7th, 2010
Enter your password to view comments

This post is password protected. To view it please enter your password below:

ryan China (中国)

The Economist comments on Bihar, India – just across Nepal from China

January 30th, 2010

India’s most notorious state is failing to live up to its reputation

And to overcome what one minister describes as a “crisis of implementation”—teachers who don’t teach, nurses who don’t nurse, roads built but not maintained, funds received but not spent—he will have to overcome the most obdurate caste of all: the local bureaucracy.

More than the floods that frequently test Bihar’s embankments, local officials fear the rising expectations of people who no longer meekly accept their lot in life. Their instinct is to contain the waters by discouraging such self-assertion. But it is only by giving people their say, by turning unmet need into a political demand, that the state apparatus will begin to do its job.

ryan China (中国)

Christian Science Monitor weights in on China bubble

January 30th, 2010

Gordon Chang, author of “The Coming Collapse of China“, published in 2001. The book predicted the China would collapse by around 2005, or perhaps as late as 2010. He predicts that widespread unemployment, government corruption, inefficient state owned enterprises, and a lack of leadership would lead to the undoing. Publishers Weekly comments:

His invocations of the “power of the Chinese people,” or of an imaginary individual who will one day “end the Chinese state as it now exists,” read more like political soap opera than judicious analyses.

One of the Amazon commenters summarized Mr Chang’s POV as:

“The Coming Collapse of China” is an angry book written by the son of a man who “left China before the end of the Second World War and [the son] grew up hearing him say that Mao Zedong’s regime would have to fall.” The son returned to China to work as a lawyer in Shanghai. When he wrote this book – his first – it was a polemic in which he pounded away at the evils of Communism and predicted that Jiang Zemin’s regime would have to fall.

The Christian Science Monitor published Mr Chang’s “China: the world’s next great economic crash” article in the Opinion section this week. The truth is probably somewhere in between the current China Euphoria (rise of China is story of decade) and Mr. Chang’s China Collapse POV. For the record, I’m optimistic that China will be in a very strong position by 2050, with living standards in the largest cities (Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou) at parity with Taipei and Hong Kong. However there is a massive asset bubble in China that is hurting all but the wealthiest 0.5% (85% of families can’t afford basic housing). 40% of local gov’t revenues come from land sales (Professor Chovanec) and current GDP growth is fueled by real estate development.

The following is an [objective?] look at the current China situation:

Beijing, ignoring advice from Washington and other capitals, did not in the boom times try to restructure its economy to favor consumption. Instead, the Chinese government sought to take maximum advantage of then-surging foreign demand. The role of consumption, therefore declined – falling from a historical average of 60 percent of the economy to about 30 percent last year. No country has a lower rate.

To make up for slumping demand abroad and sluggish consumer spending at home, the State Council, the central government’s cabinet, announced a stimulus plan in November 2008. Beijing originally said it would spend $586 billion through 2010. In the first full year of the program however, it has directly and through state banks disbursed about $1.1 trillion in stimulus funds.

The plan, not surprisingly, is creating gross domestic product, but growth is an artificial “sugar high.” For one thing, Beijing’s stimulus spending last year was around a quarter of the total economy. Now, perhaps as much as 95 percent of China’s growth is attributable to state investment, as a Chinese analyst noted recently.

Despite the massive state spending, the country’s economy is not particularly robust. Power consumption statistics, a crucial indicator of economic activity, show the economy expanding at only two-thirds the announced rate.

Moreover, essentially flat consumer prices last year belie official reports of roaring retail sales. So does the full-year 11.2 percent decline in imports, another sign of sluggish domestic demand. And if the economy is really growing by double digits, why is Beijing insisting on continuing its stimulus?

New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, however, thinks none of this will be a problem. Arguing that China is not the next Enron, he gives this advice to Mr. Chanos: “Never short a country with $2 trillion in foreign currency reserves.”

Yet Beijing’s record-setting reserves – now $2.4 trillion – are essentially unusable for this purpose. Why? China’s leaders need local currency, the renminbi, to deal with domestic needs. If they convert reserves into renminbi, they will cause the currency to zoom up in value and choke off the critical export sector. Foreign reserves have only limited uses in domestic crises.

Second, the state’s stimulus plan is taking the nation in the wrong direction. It is favoring large state enterprises over small and medium-sized private firms, and state financial institutions are diverting credit to state-sponsored infrastructure. Over the past three decades, China’s economy has expanded at an average annual rate of 9.9 percent because of the private sector, but now Beijing is renationalizing the economy with state cash.

Third, Beijing’s flooding of state enterprises with government cash will undermine their competitiveness, as a similar tide of money severely damaged Japan’s corporations during the bubble years.

Japanese managers discovered they could make more money managing cash than from anything else, and they therefore neglected their underlying businesses. Essentially the same thing is happening in China.

ryan China (中国), Economics (经济学)

The USA and Regional Security in Asia (Part 2)

January 30th, 2010

Until the Real Estate Super Bubble finally pops here, I’ll smile anytime I see “China” and “Bubble” in one sentence. From The Economist’s asia column titled “Japan’s love-bubbles for China“.

WHAT our colleague, Charlemagne, calls “bubbles of optimism” over China have been popping in Western capitals, as China has taken a hard line against internal dissent, proven unhelpful in efforts to tackle both climate change and Iran’s growing nuclear threat, manipulated its currency and launched cyber-attacks on Western computer networks. China, muscling its way to global prominence, is not quite the partner the West had been cultivating. Striking, then, that in Japan the bubble of optimism, among the country’s new leaders, is only inflating.

Reuters’s most read story of the decade is the “Rise of China“. The rise started with China’s entry into the WTO – in contrast to Russia who’s never been a WTO member. Western businesspeople and politicians believed that WTO membership would mean China plays by the same rules as the rest of the allies: UK, Germany, France, Japan, Korea, etc. Open markets. Rule of law. Migrating their way toward first world standards. That’s what we’ve seen from the Chinese in Hong Kong and in Taiwan, but there is ever growing skepticism that the same transformation will happen in China.

Now rumors suggest Mr Hatoyama may make a visit of remorse, the first by a Japanese prime minister, to Nanjing, site of a massacre by Japanese forces in 1937. In return (and at less political cost), Mr Hu may pay respects to the nuclear victims of Hiroshima.

In the eyes of Chinese people, the “Little Japanese Devils” are their mortal enemy. The Japanese raped and pillaged in Manchukuo, and even committed specifically horrible atrocities in Nanjing. The Gov’t regularly stokes up anti-Japanese sentiment, so the potential patching up of the relationship could immediately alter the balance of power in asia.

History wars, still far from resolved, point to the limits of rapprochement. So too do maritime disputes over territory. But a huge constraint is the fiscal one. Greying Japan is burdened with deflation, stagnant growth and a national debt close to 200% of GDP. Japan lacks the resources (and the will) for the kind of bold strategic moves, putting Japan at the heart of Asia, at which Mr Hatoyama and Mr Ozawa hint. Even a more autonomous security policy, out from under America’s wing, is almost a non-starter. Japan has cut its defense spending in recent years, to just 1% of GDP. It has grown more dependent on the United States, not less.

The commonly accepted debt numbers are: Japan @ 200% of GDP, USA @ 100% of GDP, and China @ 15-30% of GDP. These numbers are interesting, however the Chinese public debt to GDP ration is probably actually closer to 62% – comparable to the western european average.

Due to the one-child-policy, China is also greying, though not quite as fast as Japan. China also has a 117:100 male to female ratio, meaning that 1 in 5 boys won’t be able to find a mate. Compared to 105:100 in Japan and the USA.

Moreover, only 15% of Chinese Chinese can afford to purchase a home – not even the basic 50 sqm (550 sqft) that most Chinese families reside in. Under these circumstances, even getting married and having a family is a luxury beyond the reach of far too many mainland Chinese.

Note: public debt is the cumulative total of all government borrowings less repayments that are denominated in a country’s home currency. Public debt should not be confused with external debt, which reflects the foreign currency liabilities of both the private and public sector and must be financed out of foreign exchange earnings.

ryan China (中国)

The USA and Regional Security in Asia (Part 1)

January 30th, 2010

In Does American Need a Foreign Policy, Henry Kissinger suggests that America’s best role in Asia is similar to the UK’s role in europe.

A hostile Asian bloc combining the most populous nations of the world and vast resources with some of the most industrious peoples would be incompatible with the American national interest. For this reason, America must retain a presence in Asia, and its geopolitical objective must remain to prevent Asia’s coalescence into an unfriendly bloc (which is most likely to happen under the tutelage of one of its major powers). Americas relationship to Asia is thus comparable with that of Britain toward the content of Europe for four centuries. Winston Churchill described that situation eloquently:

For four hundred years the foreign policy of England has been to oppose the stronger, most aggressive, most dominating Power on the Continent… These four centuries of consistent purpose amid so many chances of names and facts, of circumstances and conditions, must rank as one of the most remarkable episodes which the records of any race, nation, state, or people can show. Moreover, on all occasions England took the more difficult course. Faced by Philip II of Spain, against Louis XIV under William III and Marlborough, against Napoleon, against Wiliam II of Germany, it would have been easy and must have been very tempting to join the stronger and share the fruits of his conquest. However, we always took the harder course, joined with the less strong Powers, made a combination among them, and thus defeated and frustrated the continental military tyrant whoever he was, whatever nation led. Thus we preserved the liberties of Europe, protected the growth of its vivacious and varied society… It is a law of public policy which we are following and not a mere expedient dictated by accidental circumstances, or likes and dislikes, or any other sentiment.

In the twenty-first century, an analogous objective for the United States in Asia poses a more complex challenge. The European balance of power was sustained by nation states of substantially homogeneous ethnic composition (with the exception of Russia); many of the major Asian states (China, Russia, India, Indonesia) are continental in size and multiethnic in composition. The European equilibrium was seamless in the sense that all major states were part of it – that is, the interplay of their alliances constituted the balance of power; thus a crisis over Serbia in the Balkans escalated into the First World War. The Asian balance of power is more differentiated and therefore more complex.

In Europe, two world wars and the insufficient scale of the European nation-state in the face of global challenges have made the nineteenth-century balance of power irrelevant. The nations of Europe no longer treat one another as strategic threats; threats from outside Europe have been dealt with by the alliance with the United States.

By contrast, the nations of Asia have never acknowledged a common danger, having quite differing views about what threatens their security. Some have historically feared Russia; others worry mostly about China; still others are concerned about a resurgent Japan; some in Southeast Asia consider Vietnam the principal danger. India and Pakistan are each obsessed with the threat of the other.


To be sure, it is in the American national interest to resist the effort of any power to dominate Asia – and, in the extreme, the United States should be prepared to do so without allies. But a wise American policy would strive to prevent such an outcome. It would nurture cooperative relations with all of the significant nations of Asia to keep open the possibility of joint action should circumstances require it. But it would also seek to convey to China that opposition to hegemony is coupled with a preference for a constructive relationship and that America will facilitate and not obstruct China’s participation in a stable international order. Confrontation with China should be the ultimate recourse, not the strategic choice.

ryan Uncategorized (无大类)

Chinese Numbers: NetEase and Others

January 29th, 2010

Why is “NetEase” known as 163.com? Originally, China Telecom (电信) and China Mobile (移动) we’re both part of China Post (邮政局). During those days, Chinese people who wanted to use the internet all dialed up via modem to: 163. That’s right, 163 was the phone number to access the internet – no other digits required. In those days, you would buy a pre-paid card to get a temporary username and password.

Why 6.cn, 56.com, ku6.com? In Chinese 6 is just a very lucky number. When Chinese people turn 60, it’s a very big deal – called “dàshòu (大寿)”. Why 60? Because it means that you went through all 12-years of the terrestrial cycle shēngxiào (生肖) 5-times.

Nine is also a lucky number both because 9 is the biggest number and it sounds like “久” (jiu) – the word for permanence.

Of course 8 is the luckiest of them all. Why? Because 8, in Chinese is pronounced “bā” which is very similar to “fā”, as in fācái (发财) – to get rich!

There are also lots of times you’ll see “168″. Why? 168 means “一路发” (yi lu fa) – the road to riches.

However 0, 1, 2, 3, 6 and 7 don’t have any special meaning. They’re neither positive or negative.

Office on the 4th floor? Not likely, because most Chinese buildings don’t have a 4th floor. The Chinese word for death sǐ (死) sounds a lot like the number 4 (四), pronounced sī. Most western buildings don’t have a 13th floor.

On that note, do you know why western culture is sensitive to the number 13? Legend has it Friday the 13th was the day Jesus was crucified, additionally the 13th guest at the last supper was Judas – the apostle who betrayed Jesus to the romans resulting in crucifixion. Ancient Persians, assigning the twelve constellations of the Zodiac to the months of the year, and though the 13th represented the destruction that would follow the completion of the Zodiac cycle. More about unlucky 13.

ryan China (中国)

State of the People’s Republic

January 29th, 2010

From President Obama’s State of the Union address.

We can’t afford another so-called economic “expansion” like the one from the last decade — what some call the “lost decade” — where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.

Interesting that this sounds a whole lot like the so-called economic “expansion” here in China…

ryan Uncategorized (无大类)

The Case for iPad

January 28th, 2010

I stayed up late to follow the iPad announcement via Twitter and the Gizmodo Live Blog. I talked with friends and read far too many online comments. The overall sentiment seems to be:

This can’t possibly replace a laptop or even a netbook. No Adobe Flash. No Multi-Tasking. No Camera.

For the people that really know how to Multi-Task, they should also be able to figure out how to Jail Break their iPad and use Kirikae or another multi-tasking app as many of us do on the iPhone right now.

Personally, I use Saft to disable Flash in Safari on my iMac, so I’m happy to avoid Flash on my iPhone and soon my iPad. Increasing the share of the internet who does not have Flash will hopefully force web designers to gradually abandon flash.

An expensive gadget in this economy that doesn’t replace better/faster/cheaper something I already think I need every day, and instead proposes to tell me there I things I didn’t think I needed that I now gotta have and

If it is bigger than pocketsized, it enters a class of “it doesn’t matter how much bigger than pocketsized, it might as well be WAY bigger since I have to carry it in a bag or under my arm.”

I’ve been using a MacBook Air as my primary computer for the last 2 years. Tasks like compiling software or running Photoshop are downright painful on the Air though. Fortunately, the iTab should be able to basically replace my Air on a daily basis: (Email, RSS, Books) and do so in a much more comfortable form factor than either my iPhone (screen is way too small) or my Air (how do you use it on the sofa? do you like looking like a geek at the airport?)

During these 2 years, I’ve basically had my Air with me every day, 24×7. Almost anytime I’m out, I’ve got my Air in my bag. At only 3 lbs, it’s been working great. However, getting almost the same resolution (30% less pixels) with 4x the battery life, half the weight, and for more adaptable to every day human life. Use it at the dinner table, sitting on the sofa, or standing and chatting with friends.

  iPadMacBook AirDifference
Height: 9.56 in (242 mm) 12.8 in (325 mm) 34%
Width: 7.47 in (189 mm) 8.94 in (227 mm) 20%
Depth: 0.5 in (13.4 mm) 0.76 in (19.4 mm) 44%
Weight: 1.6 lbs (0.73 kg) 3.0 lbs (1.36 kg) 100%
Resolution: 1024×768 1280×800 30%
Starting Price: $500 $1500 200%

ryan Geeking Out(奇客通道)

Shanghai Daily on “So Called Internet Freedom”

January 22nd, 2010

China whines about “Internet Freedom”

The first lines of the story really say it all.

CHINA hit back at US criticism of Internet control yesterday, warning that relations between the two countries were hurt by the unreasonable accusations in the name of so-called Internet freedom.

Yet another reminder that the CCP is their own worst enemy. It’s sad that the official mouthpiece of a nation with so many bright and talented people responds to intellectual challenge with “your wrong” and “that hurts”. Come on central comittee, you can do better than that.

It was as if the government had hired The Onion as its image consultant.

Seems that the CCP leaders believe they are the ones with the guns and they money and everybody wants to be their friend. However the turning point in Chinese foreign relations seems to have arrived. Their foreign business friends are getting ready to turn their backs just as the real estate bubble litters the landscape with empty luxury apartments and empty office towers.

Of course, the CCP response also included some hard hitting “facts” like:

China’s Internet is open

The Chinese constitution protects the citizens’ freedom of speech

There are a lot of Chinese folks that would sure like to see that new “free speech” version of the Chinese constution… Tank Boy vindicated? We all dream. Come on CCP, this isn’t gradeschool. There are thousands o expatriots and western educated Chinese out here that are here to help, just call before publishing this sort of thing.

ryan China (中国)

Who has a “finger on the pulse” of China

January 22nd, 2010

Prof Chovanec on Chongqing

I think when you live in a place like Chongqing; you get a much better finger on the pulse than if you live in an expat community in Beijing. What’s happening in Chongqing is very typical of what’s happening throughout the rest of China.

This is an excellent point that is not made often enough. How much would you expect someone in Washington DC’s Chinatown to know about the intent of the president or the future policies to impact the nation? Yet too many of our int’l correspondents in China are not nearly local enough.

Obviously China’s opaque political system, relatively poorly educated average citizen, flexible (unpredictable?) government policy, restrictions on political speech and “state secrets” and lack of a long track record make accurate forward looking analysis difficult to produce.

ryan China (中国)

Sec of State Clinton on Internet Freedom

January 22nd, 2010

Interesting excerpts. See the State Dept for full text. Clinton was very considerate of official Chinese reaction to the speech, and pointed out that the USA can’t really force China’s hand in this matter. In other locations, particularly the middle east, the US is prepared to take a more active role.

On their own, new technologies do not take sides in the struggle for freedom and progress, but the United States does. We stand for a single internet where all of humanity has equal access to knowledge and ideas. And we recognize that the world’s information infrastructure will become what we and others make of it. Now, this challenge may be new, but our responsibility to help ensure the free exchange of ideas goes back to the birth of our republic. The words of the First Amendment to our Constitution are carved in 50 tons of Tennessee marble on the front of this building. And every generation of Americans has worked to protect the values etched in that stone.

There are, of course, hundreds of millions of people living without the benefits of these technologies. In our world, as I’ve said many times, talent may be distributed universally, but opportunity is not. And we know from long experience that promoting social and economic development in countries where people lack access to knowledge, markets, capital, and opportunity can be frustrating and sometimes futile work. In this context, the internet can serve as a great equalizer. By providing people with access to knowledge and potential markets, networks can create opportunities where none exist.

States, terrorists, and those who would act as their proxies must know that the United States will protect our networks. Those who disrupt the free flow of information in our society or any other pose a threat to our economy, our government, and our civil society. Countries or individuals that engage in cyber attacks should face consequences and international condemnation. In an internet-connected world, an attack on one nation’s networks can be an attack on all. And by reinforcing that message, we can create norms of behavior among states and encourage respect for the global networked commons.

Taken in context, this reads to me like a veiled threat against China. Of course, the NSA’s job is cyber-espionage and cyber-terrorism, so it’s not really something new. Just part of The Great Game.

To use market terminology, a publicly listed company in Tunisia or Vietnam that operates in an environment of censorship will always trade at a discount relative to an identical firm in a free society. If corporate decision makers don’t have access to global sources of news and information, investors will have less confidence in their decisions over the long term. Countries that censor news and information must recognize that from an economic standpoint, there is no distinction between censoring political speech and commercial speech. If businesses in your nations are denied access to either type of information, it will inevitably impact on growth.

As it stands, Americans can consider information presented by foreign governments. We do not block your attempts to communicate with the people in the United States. But citizens in societies that practice censorship lack exposure to outside views. In North Korea, for example, the government has tried to completely isolate its citizens from outside opinions. This lopsided access to information increases both the likelihood of conflict and the probability that small disagreements could escalate. So I hope that responsible governments with an interest in global stability will work with us to address such imbalances.

And censorship should not be in any way accepted by any company from anywhere. And in America, American companies need to make a principled stand. This needs to be part of our national brand. I’m confident that consumers worldwide will reward companies that follow those principles.

In fact, I would like to see more governments, if you disagree with what a blogger or a website is saying, get in and argue with them. Explain what it is you’re doing. Put out contrary information. Point out what the pitfalls are of the position that a blogger might be taking.

ryan Uncategorized (无大类)

The Biggest Peg: Chinese Yuan and Sterilization Bonds

January 22nd, 2010

Jeffrey Frankel, of Harvard University wrote “On the Renminbi”, concerning the RMB/USD peg as the view looked from 2005, just after the first minor devaluation (2.1%) of the RMB. When one currency is pegged to another, the value will typically be pegged too high, or too low. If pegged too high, there will be a run on the currency, just like an old fashioned bank run, but in this case it’s the nations central bank. If pegged too low, the currency will be undervalued. Hot money will arrive in anticipation of the eventual revaluation. Central Bankers must try to get the excess cash out of the system, primarily through Sterilization Bonds.

We have already mentioned that a balance of payments surplus implies that the reserve component of the monetary base is increasing. Some expansion in the monetary policy may be entirely appropriate, especially in an economy with strong long-term growth. But in an economy that is in danger of overheating, the central bank may wish to sterilize the inflow, so as to prevent expansion in the overall money supply.

If the money supply expands, you will create inflation and may also create asset bubbles which [mis]allocate resources from productive efficient. Recently these misallocations have expanded global housing markets and propped up global stock markets.

Sterilization can be a good response to an inflow, for a period of time. It can help the country maintain its exchange rate target without abandoning a target for the money supply or interest rate. But it can become increasingly difficult over time, especially if traditional barriers to capital flows have been gradually eroded. One problem is that it just prolongs the balance of payments disequilibrium, because it by-passes the automatic mechanism of adjustment that reserve flows provide under the monetary approach to the balance of payments. Another potential problem is the quasi-fiscal deficit: if the central bank has to pay high interest rates to get domestic residents voluntarily to absorb “sterilization bonds,” while receiving low interest rates on its reserves of US treasury securities, then it is running a deficit.

Under normal circumstances, Sterilization Bonds would require chinese state banks to purchase bonds from the government, reducing the size of the money supply (because money is handed back to the government). However, in China all foreign currencies collected at state banks are immediately surrendered to the central bank. I believe this policy removes the typical need for “Sterilization”.

Some governments are able to force their bonds down the throats of their banks without paying market interest rates, a form of financial repression; but this just weakens the balance sheets of banks and raises the odds of a banking crisis somewhere down the road.

With the banks all being owned by the Gov’t, this is the case here…

One disadvantage of a balance of payments surplus, on the other hand, is that the reserves, which are typically held in the form of US Treasury bills and bonds and other dollar securities, pay a low rate of return. Interest rates on US treasury bills are low because the market is so liquid and because default is assumed to be very unlikely — and also, during the period 2001-2004, because the Federal Reserve has held short-term interest rates well below normal historical levels. The Chinese authorities have evidently already diversified out of Treasury bills, into agency bonds and other longer term securities, which will probably help the yield somewhat. But it is more likely than not that the dollar will depreciate over the next ten years (not necessarily in the short run), in light of the large US trade deficit, which would reduce even further the return to holding dollar securities. (Diversification into the euro or other currencies has evidently not yet gone far.)

The low interest rates associated with this giant pool of money helped sow the seeds for the global financial crisis. Basically, there is too much money in RMB and not enough good USD investments, yet the Fed set interest rates too low. The result was Chinese bankers buying Fannie, Freddie and boatloads of mortgaged backed securities.

These points are drawn largely from the experience of emerging markets such as Colombia and Korea in the early 1990s. Those countries were able to sterilize capital inflows only for a year or two, before it became too difficult, due to high interest rates on the sterilization bonds and the prolongation of strong capital inflows (as in standard macro models). Chinese officials may be correct that their case is somewhat different, due to a financial system that is less open and less market-oriented.

See the “surrender” policy for dealing with foreign currency.

The capital inflow has consisted largely of Chinese citizens bringing capital flight money back home, speculating on a revaluation, and so far the authorities have not had to pay high interest rates locally to sterilize it. But they may find it increasingly difficult to sterilize further inflows.

The “inflows” are all the Chinese expatriate class returning home story was probably true when this story started, however the size of the bubble today and “Rise of China” being the most read story of the decade indicate the story has been stretched quite a ways now. Interesting that speculators always have a million reasons why it’s different this time and how other people are speculating, but not them and it’s not widespread.

Either way, if this gap is real, better to address it through appreciation than inflation.

But I doubt this is the policy that the CCP will peruse, despite how logical it may be and how much it may benefit the average citizen.

ryan China (中国), Economics (经济学)

Missed Call SMS Text Reminders on China Mobile and China Unicom

January 21st, 2010

Voicemail is not very popular in Mainland China, but SMS has been very popular here for a long time. However, if you ever are out of the service area (ex, on a flight) you don’t know if you’ve missed a call. China Mobile has an excellent service called Incoming Call Reminder来电提示)for only 3 RMB/month that will send you an SMS anytime you miss a call. The incoming SMS will appear to be from the person who tried to call you, making it very convenient to text or call them in response.

To enable the service on your China Mobile phone, send the message “3021″ to 10086.

  • 302: Info about Incoming Call Reminders
  • 3021: Activate
  • 3022: Cancel
  • 3023: Introduction
  • 3024: Current Status

You’ll get a message back that says “请您回复1确认申请。申请来电提示当月生效,月功能费3元”. Just reply with a “1″ back to 10086 to activate the service.

China Unicom also has a similar service, it’s part of “China Unicom Secretary” (联通秘书)called “Lost Call Reminder” (漏电提醒)that doesn’t work nearly as well as China Mobile’s service. China Unicom’s service always comes from the China Unicom Secretary’s phone number (10655101981) so each time you must read the actual text message to see who called. The format is overly verbose, full of the same useless information and irritating iPhone ads tacked on the end of every message – even if you’ve already got an iPhone.

联通秘书在05:55为您接待了一位访客0018611112222(<选3G就选沃!联通携招商银行推出iphone手机0元拿!>)

The Unicom Lost Call service is also 3 RMB/month, but isn’t nearly as convenient to use as China Mobile’s service.

To subscribe to China Unicom’s “Lost Call Reminder” service, send “xxms” to 10011, or call 10010 for China Unicom Customer Service.

While we’re talking about China Unicom, let me point out that with the exception of WCDMA 3G support, there is no other reason I would use China Unicom over China Mobile. There are so many major annoyances using China Unicom:

  • China Unicom signal coverage is very weak compared to the China Mobile signal everywhere you go. There are many locations where my China Unicom simply has NO SIGNAL – impossible to make or receive a call, yet China Mobile in the same place works great.
  • China Unicom dialing has yet to be “globalized”. To dial a standard number in Shanghai, you would dial [+86] [021] [0000 00000] (where 0000 0000 is the local fixed line number). Dialing the prefix (+86) and the city code (021) ensures that the same number works regardless of where you’re currently located. This basic feature supported by nearly every company for both dialing and for caller ID simply DOES NOT WORK with China Unicom. If you’re in Shanghai, you can’t include the [021] city code, but if you’re in Beijing you must include it. If you’re in Hong Kong, you have to use both the Country Code and the City Code. Basically, China Unicom’s phone number routing is still stuck in the days of analog land lines.
  • China Mobile has “IP Long Distance Service” activated by dialing the 12593 prefix. China Unicom has the same thing, but so far they refuse to activate it for 3G service, so I’m still stuck with “美加直通车/17900″ IP Phone Card for reasonably priced long distance – but the ADDITIONAL wasted 30 seconds in addition to the time waiting to pick up is quite annoying.
  • As I pointed out above, the SMS reminders here on China Mobile work great, but the China Unicom ones don’t take advantage of you’re address book, and include annoying ads!

ryan China Phone (中国通讯) , ,

Google Taking Stand Against Chinese Censorship

January 14th, 2010

Caing reported that it’s going online. Now, the guys at google have decided to stop self-censoring, even if it means pulling their operations out of China! Full source (blocked by GFW)

These attacks and the surveillance they have uncovered–combined with the attempts over the past year to further limit free speech on the web–have led us to conclude that we should review the feasibility of our business operations in China. We have decided we are no longer willing to continue censoring our results on Google.cn, and so over the next few weeks we will be discussing with the Chinese government the basis on which we could operate an unfiltered search engine within the law, if at all. We recognize that this may well mean having to shut down Google.cn, and potentially our offices in China.

In Mainland Chinese culture, the person with slightly more authority in a situation routinely strong-arms the weaker party, and the weaker party generally goes along with the situation, saying “没办法 – No [other] method”. Google is another recent example 1st worlders of saying “No, are civilized and don’t agree with mafia negociation tactics”. Great job guys! Hope to see an explosion of cases like this in 2010!

The CCP has been using 8% annual GDP growth as the metric of success for years, but has lost sight of WHY 8% GDP growth has been the objective – and the bureaucrats have figured out how to manipulate GDP growth during the bubble years, the same way managers in American firms figured out how to manipulate stock prices in the 60s/70s. The resulting american conglomerate boom didn’t create long term shareholder value any more than the central planners focus on unproductive GDP will create long term financial benefit.

Deng Xiaoping made massive steps forward in Chinese reform by simply getting the gov’t out of the way, and with his support Zhao Ziyang and Zhu Rongji were able to go further. Chinese reform has been in exercise in gradualism, and this gradualism has avoid many undoable mistakes. However, we are left asking who are the reformers today? Wen Jiabao seems to generally came deeply about the welfare of the people, but without a free press and an independent judiciary, I think corruption will eat away at the efficiency of the Chinese economy and prevent mainlanders from reaching living standards of their brethren in Taiwan and Hong Kong.

ryan China (中国), Economics (经济学)